Notebook

Notebook, 1993--

ANCIENT GREEK CULTURE

[From: Kyriazis, Constantine D. Eternal Greece. Translated by Harry T. Hionides. A Chat Publication.]

Elements of the Religious
Beliefs of the Ancient
Greeks [cont.]


The Birth of the Myth
One of the questions that has preoccupied scholars of Greek religion is the birth of the myths. There are two schools of thought regarding these origins. One maintains with convincing argument that the myths and their formulation took place in great part in the Mycenaean period. But the other school of thought believes these myths to be of a later date. The former argues that all or at least most of the myths were associated with Mycenaean cities whose histories antedates that of Mycenae. Tiryns, for example, is the birthplace of Heracles, and he led the cattle of Gerones to Tiryns and not to Mycenae. And he lived there as a vassal of Eurystheus, King of Mycenae which would indicate that Tiryns was more ancient and was supplanted by Mycenae just as the latter was subsequently overthrown by Argos. The same scholars maintain that the most brilliant center of Mycenaean times was the city which gave its name to the first civilization in continental Greece. And so Mycenae was the center for the birth of nearly all myths. Attica, Athens, Tiryns, Lacedaemon, Thebes, Pylos, Orchomenus, and Calydon were secondary centers. The scholars of this school of thought thus argue that the myths originated when golden Mycenae flourished. And they conclude that, if the myths were of a later date, if they were not of Mycenaean origin, why then should Mycenae have been the foremost of cities:? And furthermore, why would the myths have been associated with Mycenae if in fact they had not been created and had not evolved in the Mycenaean period?

The fact that the outstanding centers of Mycenaean civilization were also great centers of myth making, according to the second school of thought which denies such origin of myths, led scholars to hastily conclude that heroic mythology has Mycenaean beginnings, but the myth making, they point out, presupposes a stage of evolution in which to develop in the hearts and minds of men. Therefore, the myths are of a later date than Mycenae, and as an argument they cite the example of Odysseus who although he was aware that Oedipus was a patricide, did not know that he had children with his mother, and that the Iliad does not refer to Iphigenia and Electra as daughters of Agamemnon.

The opponents of the theory that the myths are of Mycenaean origin conclude that just as with the Olympian cult of religion, neither the theogony nor heroic mythology is a Mycenaean tradition, but is a creation of the post-Mycenaean centuries.

Which of the two theories is closer to the truth? In all probability the first school of thought has the most valid arguments, but one should add that with the passage of time the myths change, evolve, and adapt themselves to the realities of the later centuries. [p. 107]


Homeric Religion
In the Homeric Age with its anthropomorphism, the gods, at least as they appear in the Iliad and Odyssey, are very different indeed, for their duties have been neatly arranged and they comprised a well-knit community which was a reflection of the community of human beings. The gods dwelt in a lofty citadel of Olympus where Zeus had his palace. Life was pleasant and carefree as in all royal palaces with continuous feasts and entertainment. Whenever he wished, Zeus would summon the gods to visit him, and he ruled over them, as did Agamemnon, with an iron hand for many were stubborn or reluctant vassals of the lord of all gods who often disobeyed the divine orders and many times pursued selfish ends. Moreover, each deity had his own genealogical tree and altogether the gods made up a single family, some of whom had as fathers the defeated Titans, whereas before them and during the first dynasty of the gods, there existed the first rulers, the creators of the universe.

The gods were identified by mortals with the site of worship and were supplicated by the faithful at the time of sacrifice. And the gods presented themselves either in the shape of a bird, a Cretan-Mycenaean belief, or by a rustling of the leaves of trees, also a Cretan-Mycenaean tradition. But the gods had not yet acquired the moral supremacy and grandeur they were to possess later. They were still fickle and some times even malicious. They were moreover distinguished from human beings by their immortality, and they were placed at a level which man could never hope to reach. The gods were more powerful and wiser than mortals, and could do anything at will, unlike man who always encountered difficulties in his path. They lived an 'easy' life without the worries that plagued man from the time of his birth until the grave.

Homer distinguishes three classes of people in his epics, gods, kings and heroes, and the masses. This division is very marked, especially as regards the third class. The kings oftentimes clashed with the gods, but the common people were of another breed. Only kings and heroes were brave, whereas the masses merely participated in the wars. The boundaries between the classes were strictly drawn by the unwritten law and any violation [p. 108] of this law was considered impudent ['hybris'] which brought in its wake divine punishment ['Nemesis'].

The gods perpetually interfered in the affairs of mortals but it was the gods who had granted the natural, intellectual and material gifts to mankind. Prosperity and misfortune were the works of the gods and the life and death of each human being was in their hands.

Yet Homer was a rationalist, and he found a way to explain why certain things were so improbable in the natural order of things. Thus we find in his works a faith in Fate ['Moira'] which was a power and force even greater than that of the gods. Homer uses four words to express this supreme force: 'Ate', 'Moira', 'Moros', and 'Aesa'. The words do not define a god but some other force, especially the last three terms which should be literally translated in their original meanings, signifying 'piece', 'share', and 'lot'. When something untoward occurs, man would not always say that it was the will of the gods, but could blame his 'lot', or destiny, his 'share' of misfortune or disaster, or good fortune, happiness, and prosperity. Some times man would receive more than his share of luck, and this would be known as 'supershare', or more than his lot, or even more than the god which meant in fact that it occurred despite the will of the gods. Such an attitude had a double significance for man since it flattered him on the one hand in knowing that he had individual power and strength, and on the other, it did not detract from his faith in the gods since it was destiny which was above the deities, and therefore the gods could not be held responsible for man's unhappiness or bad lock.

Death is the inescapable lot of man. It is one of his two shares, life on the one hand, and death on the other. From this simple thought or idea which is in reality a fear of the unknown, there came about a fatalism. And this belief in fate was stretched so far by Homer that often times man's responsibilities for certain acts would be excused and accounted for by 'Ate' [eyeless fate] which had blinded them. 'Ate' here is identified with 'Moira' or fate since in the lot of man 'Ate' is also included.

The relationships between the gods and mortals in Homer is dependent upon the class of people. The man of the people is lower on the scale than the aristocrat, and the latter in turn is lower than the gods. The man of the people never believed that the gods could possibly envy him or his lot. But the aristocrat was in a different category, and when he met with misfortune he was apt to say that the gods envied him his lot.

Homer did not ignore ancestor worship and the honours due to the dead on the part of the living. In Book XI, Odysseus, following the instructions of Circe, visits the land of the Cimmerians and . . . 'Here, Perimedes and Eurylochus held fast the destined sacrifice, while I scooped with my sword the soil, opening a trench ell-broad on every side, then poured around libation consecrate to all the dead, first, milk with honey mixed, then luscious wine, then water, sprinkling, last, meal over all. This done, adoring the unreal forms and shadows of the dead, I vowed to slay [returned to Ithaca] in my own abode, an heifer barren yet, fairest and best of all my herds, and to enrich the pile with delicacies, such as please the shades. But in particular, to Tiresias I vowed a sable ram, largest and best of all my flocks. When thus I had implored with vows and prayer, the nations of the dead, piercing the victims next, I turned them both to bleed into the trench. Then swarming came from Erebus the shades of the deceased, brides, youths unwedded, seniors long with woe oppressed, and [p. 109] tender girls yet new to grief. Came also many a warrior by the spear in battle pierced, with armour gore-distained, and all the multitude around the foss stalked shrieking dreadful. And I with pale horror was seized. I next importunate, my people urged, flaying the victims which I myself had slain, to burn them, and to supplicate in prayer, illustrious Pluto and dread Persephone. Then down I sat, and with drawn and cutting sword chased the ghosts, nor suffered them to approach the blood till with Tiresias I should first confer'.

Having seen and spoken to Tiresias, with his mother, and many heroes, Odysseus concludes, ' . . . but the threatening surging dead gathered round and gave off a terrible groan and I turned pale with fear lest the divine Persephone send the monstrous Gorges to cast me out from Hades, and so I set out on my barque'. Poetic License one may say, but Homer here makes Odysseus speak with the dead shades and at the same time describes the sacred rites involved when appeasing the dead or when wishing to ask for something from the departed.

Homer, or at least the Homeric age, remoulded the myths which had been inherited from the past, but did so on a rationalistic and anthropomorphic basis. The other life was replaced by an eternal sleep and caused man to doubt the omens which the gods were wont to send.

'The anthropomorphism of Homer', the distinguished scholar Nielson wrote, 'gave rise to the first criticism of religion and was of colossal significance for the evolution of the Greek intellect. Man bowed his head in fear and awe under the forceful power of the gods, but the Greeks were liberated from their religious chains by Homer who humanized the gods. Henceforward they could with their own measure and with their own efforts find order and continuity in the world. Greek science was an offshoot of this period. The Ionian rhapsode had laid the path for the Ionian natural philosopher to follow, the philosopher who built his new world on the shattered remnants of the old'. [pp. 108-110]


Religious Faith in Pre-Classical and Classical Greece
The faith and worship described by Homer in the Iliad and the Odyssey reflect the religious beliefs of his age.

The worship of the gods in this period assumes a different form and a new element enters into religion, that of mysticism. Faith, in other words, from a simple evolved into a composite form, and the faithful were called upon to partake of mystical sacred rites which purified and at the same time conveyed an eschatological promise, a promise that answered to the needs of the Greek intellect which had sought the secret or mystery of death and the after life, something which had so preoccupied the thoughts of mankind from the very dawn of civilization.

Apollo, Demeter, and Dionysos were the deities of a specially developed religious cult. We will not speak at great length of Apollonian religion in such a brief summary. Apollo and his worship are closely associated with Delphi and that which has been called the Delphic Idea, and suffice it to say here that the Greeks who sought a divine court of justice, an authority above that of man, which could advise them how to act, gave Apollo this responsibility. And Apollo gladly helped mankind both by means of his oracle and [p. 110] through his representatives the seers and the priests of the sanctuary.

In his wisdom [actually that of the priests], Apollo advised all the faithful to worship the gods in accordance to the laws of the cities in which they resided or in accordance with their ancestral traditions. The seers and interpreters of the god of light were clever men who never interfered with the customs and lore of the people or of each city, but allowed the leaders of those cities to apply the existing laws which they had practiced for centuries.

Apollo gave good advice and his counsels were well thought out, for at Delphi had been assembled all the world's intelligence since people had hastened hither not only from Greek lands but from Etruria, and Lydia, and Mesopotamia, and Rome to see the god's advice, revealing at the same time their own secrets. This intelligence was collected and assembled by the priests and passed on orally or in written form to their successors. Thus their knowledge was up to date, grew, and at the same time their wisdom became even greater.

Apollo was also the god of purification and one of his better known duties was the expiation of sin for murder. It was Apollo who cleansed Orestes of the taint of his murder of his mother Clytemnestra, for it was Apollo also who had advised him to avenge the murder of his father. But Apollo [and his priests] soon understood how much it was in their interest that the state or the agencies of justice in the respective cities should assume the punishment of murderers in order that the sons or other kinsmen of the victim not seek to avenge in vendetta fashion the blood so unjustly spilt. Thus the god through the mouth of his priests ordered the states and cities themselves to handle the punishment of the guilty, and they obeyed his counsel by writing down the respective laws regarding murder.

The moral precepts that came from the Delphic oracle, as contained in the maxims 'Know Thyself', and 'Nothing in Excess', are a reflection of the high moral standards of the [p. 111] prophets of the god and the preference for Apollo shown by the worshippers is yet another moral lesson which raised the stature of the deity in the eyes of the faithful.

But the worship of Apollo did not contain the elements of mysticism found in the Demeter cult. The single most important ceremony in honour of the goddess was that known as the Eleusinian Mysteries.

Concerning these Mysteries, in particular the ceremonial and the ritual aspects, we know very little. The secrecy which the initiates were sworn to keep has been indeed well-kept, and no one has ever revealed these rites to the profane or the uninitiated. And it is very striking that anyone could be initiated into the Mysteries provided that he had not fallen into serious sin, whether they be slaves, political leaders, men or women. Of all the persons known in history the only to be refused explicitly although he expressed the wish to be inducted into the Mysteries was Nero, although he was the all-powerful Emperor of the Roman Empire.

Dozens of books have been written by distinguished historians and archeologists and all they could do at best was to speculate on the mystical nature of the cult. Of these conjectures, we should note the most important, the more accepted, once we have spoken of those few aspects of the worship which we know are factual.

In accordance with the beliefs of archeologists and scholars of Greek religion, the ritual of Eleusis had its origins in Mycenaean times. The Mycenaean megaron or palace which has been uncovered in recent years had often been built on the basis of a consistent architectural plan. It was a large square room with pillars supporting the roof and with carved seats in the surrounding stone on three sides, intended for the initiates. This would indicate that the mysteries were performed in the age of the kings and were carried on by the Eleusinian house of the Eumolpidae, the successors of the kings. From the house of the Eumolpidae was chosen the Hierophant or chief priest traditionally for as long as the worship of Demeter lasted at Eleusis.

The deities honoured at Eleusis were four in number consisting of two pairs. The first pair was Demeter and Kore, or put in another way, Mother and Virgin, and the second coupe consisted of the god and goddess. To these two couples were later added heroes so that the divinities became trinities. Thus Triptolemus was added to the first pair and Euboulos to the second.

The priesthood of Eleusis was complicated. The chief priest was the Hierophant who was a member of the house of the Eumolpidae and held the hereditary office for life. The Hierophant was the only one who could reveal to the initiated the mysterious shrines, and was the only person allowed to enter the palace or the earthly residence of the goddess. The Hierophant, with other members of his family, was the person who interpreted the unwritten laws which defined the mysteries and passed the ruling on those cases in which the ceremony had not been properly conducted. His sanctity was so universal that he had the right to set up a statue of himself in the sanctuary and he alone could decide whether a candidate was eligible for acceptance into the mysteries. He was dressed in striking robes, was most imposing in appearance, and when he appeared at the palace as the doors opened wide, he caused a great sensation and much awe on the part of the faithful.

Assistants of the Hierophant were the two high priests who served the goddess and the [p. 112] kore. These were also chosen from the Eumolpidae family and their offices were likewise hereditary.

The priestess of Demeter, another sacred official of nearly equal importance as the Hierophant, was required to be a member of the house of Eumolpidae or the Pheilidae. Her office was also hereditary and she resided in the sacred dwelling which carried her name. She received from each initiate of the greater and lesser Eleusinia an obol, and she acted the parts of Demeter and Kore in the religious ceremony.

In addition to the Hierophant and the priestesses there were minor priests and priestesses such as the Panageis [sacrosancts], women also known as the honey bees who were something in the order of contemporary nuns, the Daduchos or torch bearer, the Hierokeryx or herald, the Exegetae [expounders], Iachhagogos, the Hydranos, Neochoros, and the 'vestal youth'. The latter was either a youth or maiden of very tender age selected from Athens, from an aristocratic family, who was initiated into the mysteries at the expense of the city. According to the belief, this boy or girl represented the 'hopes of the city'.

The candidates for initiation into the mysteries were known as 'mystae' or initiates and were guided by the 'mystagogue' or initiators. The ceremony of the mysteries, the orgies, took place in the 'telesterion' or house of initiation. The initiation fee was high and it would appear that it was over fifteen drachnas. This money was divided among the various priests and officials and included the cost of a swine to be sacrificed by the initiate to the goddess.

The principal deities involved in the mysteries were Demeter, Kore or Persephone, and Pluto or Hades. Euboulos and Triptolemos on the other hand had a very small or almost no part in the mysteries.

The mysteries entailed various stages of initiation. According to the tradition, these were five in number, 1/ Purification 2] Instruction in the ritual, mystical communication or communion 3] Exhibition or discovery and looking upon the mysterious shrines 4] Crowning, or placing of the chaplet on the head was the sign of initiation, and 5] The happiness that arises from communion with the goddess. According to other authorities, the stages were three in number, since the fourth belonged in fact to the second and third stages, and the final stage was part of the first and second stage.

The mysteries were divided into the lesser and greater Eleusinia. The former took place in Athens in the early Spring, in the month Anthesterion which corresponded roughly with the middle of the months February and March. The lesser Eleusinia took place on the eastern banks of the Ilissus in Athens. Its ritual is not absolutely known. But we can be rather sure that it was a preliminary to the greater Eleusinia and that at these ceremonies Kore or Persephone was principally honoured, while Demeter accompanied her as a sort of honoured guest. The lesser Eleusinia or the service performed at Agrae, a suburb of Athens, was under the supervision of the Hierophant and probably included the purification rites, hymns, and sacrifices, or perhaps a baptism in the waters of the Ilissus. It is more than likely that the ritual ended with the drinking of the Cyceon or strenghthening potion [see Glossary] that concluded the period of fasting which we can be certain was part of the purification ceremony.

The greater Eleusinia took place every year, but every fourth year was celebrated with special pomp and splendour and was known as the Penteterica [quinquennial]. The greater Eleusinia were celebrated in the month Boedromion which corresponds roughly with our months September-October. In these mysteries all the Greek cities were invited to attend, and later Rome was added. The cities sent representatives to the Eleusinia and for a period of 55 days a truce was declared throughout Greece.

The embassies from the various cities and the initiates gathered in Athens and on the 15th of the month Boedromion the celebrations began. On the 14th, the eve of the opening of the ceremonies, the priesthood of Eleusis carried from the temple of Eleusis with great solemnity the sacred relics of Demeter to Athens, and on the opening day of the celebration the Archon Basileus [see Glossary] exercised a general superintendance over the whole of the public worship and summoned the people to the festive gathering at the Poikile Stoa [Painted Porch]. The first day was known as the 'Agyrmos' on account of the assembly. In the agora or market place the pronouncement was made to the effect that all those who had clean hands and spoke Greek would be eligible for initiation into the mysteries. Barbarians were excluded. In the Roman period, initiation was extended to Romans.

The second day was allotted to further purification when the initiates were summoned to the sea. The neophytes went therefore down to the seashore either at Phaleron or Piraeus and bathed and cleansed themselves in the clear blue waters of the Saronic Gulf and at the same time purified the swine which were to be sacrificial victims to the goddess. The cleansing and purification took place at the sea since according to Greek religion the sea had greater power of cleansing and purification than fresh water.

The third day was one of sacrifice. The Archon Basileus, his deputy, and four supervisors before the representatives of the other cities and the Athenians sacrificed to the goddess of the Eleusinian mysteries and gave prayer for the senate, the demes, and the [p. 114] peoples of the Athenian commonwealth. Following the sacrifices by the Archon Basileus, there came the sacrifices on the part of the embassies of other cities.

The Epidauria were celebrated on the fourth day in honour of Aesclepius to mark his legendary delayed purification. According to the tradition, the god had arrived late from Epidaurus to take part in the Eleusinian Mysteries and when he finally did get to Athens, the ceremonies of the first three days had already taken place. Thus for his sake the announcement, the purification rites, and the sacrifices were repeated. But in this celebration the place of the Archon Basileus was taken by the Eponymous Archon [see Glossary].

The fifth day was devoted to the procession, or the return to Eleusis. The participants gathered at the Dipylon, dressed in their festive garb, and formed a very impressive and magnificent procession in which all the Athenian officials took part with the youths [ephebes] dressed in black mantles, with round shields, and carrying spears on their heads. The neophytes with their initiators, adorned with wreathes of myrtle, and dressed in festive robes, held in their hands the mystical bacchi which were branches of myrtle bound with threads of wool. The procession in the early years moved on foot and the only beast of burden allowed to participate was the donkey which carried the chattels. Later on, however, wagons were permitted to take part in the procession, but this custom was abolished in the 4th Century B.C. Wagons were allowed only for the priests and for transporting the sacred objects of the goddess. The procession moved off from Athens at the crack of dawn with a wooden statue of Iacchos in the lead holding a torch, and wreathed in myrtle, and took the road from the Dipylon to Eleusis which was known a little further out as the Sacred Way, and led down to the sea.

[Continue]

[Kyriazis, Constantine D. Eternal Greece. Translated by Harry T. Hionides. A Chat Publication.]




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